The Troubles were a long conflict that happened mainly in Northern Ireland from the late 1960s until 1998. It was basically a political and national fight about who Northern Ireland should belong to. The violence mostly happened in Northern Ireland, but sometimes attacks also happened in the Republic of Ireland, England, and even parts of Europe.
There were two main sides in the conflict. Unionists and loyalists, who were mostly Protestants, wanted Northern Ireland to stay part of the United Kingdom. On the other side were nationalists and republicans, who were mostly Catholics, and they wanted Northern Ireland to leave the UK and join the rest of Ireland to create a united Ireland. Even though religion divided the communities, the conflict itself was more about politics, identity, and national control than religion.
Civil unrest
The Troubles really started in the late 1960s during protests organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. These protests were about discrimination against Catholics in things like jobs, housing, and voting. The government and the police tried to shut down the protests. The main police force, the Royal Ulster Constabulary, was mostly Protestant and was accused by many Catholics of being biased and sometimes violent.
Loyalist groups also attacked some of the civil rights marches because they believed the movement was secretly supporting Irish republicanism. Tensions kept rising and eventually led to serious riots in 1969. Because things got so bad, the British Army was sent into Northern Ireland. At first some Catholics actually welcomed the soldiers because they thought they would be more neutral than the police, but that changed over time. After events like Bloody Sunday in 1972, when British soldiers shot unarmed protesters, many Catholics saw the army as being against them.
Warring factions
Several armed groups were involved in the conflict. On the republican side there were groups like the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA). Their goal was to force the British out of Northern Ireland and unite Ireland. On the loyalist side there were groups like the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), who wanted Northern Ireland to stay in the UK.
Republican groups mainly carried out bombings and guerrilla attacks against British soldiers and government targets. Loyalist groups often attacked republican members but also targeted Catholic civilians. There were also many cases where both sides carried out revenge attacks on each other. At the same time the British Army and police were trying to control the situation and fight the paramilitary groups, mostly focusing on republicans. There were also accusations that some security forces secretly worked with loyalist paramilitaries.
The conflict involved riots, protests, bombings, shootings, and other acts of violence. Communities became very divided, and in some places “peace walls” were built to physically separate Catholic and Protestant neighbourhoods.
Over the course of the Troubles more than 3,500 people were killed and about 50,000 were injured. Around half of those killed were civilians. Republican groups caused the largest share of deaths overall, but loyalist groups were responsible for the largest number of civilian deaths.
The peace process
In the 1990s a peace process began which included ceasefires and negotiations between political parties. This eventually led to the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. The agreement created a new system where unionist and nationalist parties would share power in the Northern Ireland government. It also confirmed that Northern Ireland would only leave the UK if a majority of its people voted for it. Other parts of the agreement included police reforms, the disarming of paramilitary groups, and the early release of prisoners connected to the conflict.
The agreement mostly ended the large-scale violence, although there have still been occasional attacks and some criminal activity linked to paramilitary groups since then.
Plantation of Ulster
1600’s
The roots of the Troubles go back hundreds of years. In 1609, during the Plantation of Ulster, land in northern Ireland was taken from native Irish Catholics and given to Protestant settlers from Scotland and England. This created tension between the two communities that lasted for centuries.
There were several conflicts during the 1600s, including the Irish Confederate Wars and the Williamite War, both of which ended in Protestant victories. After this, the British government introduced the Penal Laws, which limited the rights of Catholics and some Protestant groups who were not part of the official church.
1700’s
In the late 1700s and early 1800s political tensions continued. The Acts of Union 1800 made Ireland part of the United Kingdom and removed the Irish Parliament. During the 1800s many Irish nationalists began pushing for Home Rule, which meant Ireland would govern itself while still being in the UK.
1900’s
By the early 1900s the debate over Home Rule had split the country. Most Protestants in Ulster strongly opposed it because they feared being ruled by a Catholic majority. In 1912, unionists signed the Ulster Covenant and formed the Ulster Volunteer Force to resist Home Rule if necessary. In response, Irish nationalists formed the Irish Volunteers.
Events like the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Irish War of Independence eventually led to Ireland gaining independence in 1922, but only for 26 of the 32 counties. The remaining six counties became Northern Ireland, which stayed part of the United Kingdom.
This division, known as the Partition of Ireland, left a Catholic minority living in Northern Ireland under a mainly Protestant government. Many nationalists believed the new state was unfair and undemocratic, and tensions between the communities continued for decades. These tensions eventually helped lead to the conflict that became known as the Troubles.
1922–1966
After Ireland was split in 1922, Northern Ireland stayed part of the United Kingdom, while the rest of Ireland became independent. But the problems between Catholics and Protestants didn’t disappear.
A small part of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) survived the Irish Civil War. Even though the group was banned both in Northern Ireland and the new Irish state, they still believed Ireland should be united and that both governments should be overthrown if necessary.
The Northern Ireland government passed the Special Powers Act in 1922, which gave the government and police huge powers. They could arrest people without trial, search homes, and punish suspects harshly if they believed it was needed to keep order. In practice this law was mostly used against nationalists and Catholics.
USC
Unionists also created armed groups that were linked to the state. One of the most important was the Ulster Special Constabulary, which acted like a reserve police force and was strongly Protestant.
At the same time, the government changed election systems in ways that helped unionists stay in power. In some places where nationalists actually had more voters, the government redrew voting boundaries and changed the voting system so unionists would still control local councils. This happened in places like Derry, Fermanagh, and Tyrone.
Because of this, many nationalists believed the Northern Ireland government was unfair and biased. From the unionist point of view, many of them believed nationalists were disloyal and wanted to destroy Northern Ireland by joining it with the Republic of Ireland.
For the next few decades the situation was tense but mostly stable. There were still outbreaks of violence sometimes, including riots in Belfast during the 1930s and 1950s. The IRA also tried a few small campaigns, like the Border Campaign between 1956 and 1962, but these did not get much support and eventually ended. After that, Northern Ireland was relatively calm for a few years.
Late 1960s
Historians don’t all agree exactly when the Troubles officially started. Some say 1966, when a new version of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) appeared. Others say 1968, when civil rights protests started. Another key moment was the Battle of the Bogside in 1969, and some people say the Troubles really began when British troops were sent in that same year.
In 1966, loyalist groups began to become more active again. A Protestant preacher called Ian Paisley helped form a loyalist organisation called the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee. Around the same time the UVF began operating again in Belfast.
In April and May 1966, the UVF attacked Catholic homes, schools, and businesses with petrol bombs. In one attack they accidentally killed a Protestant woman named Matilda Gould. Soon after this they started targeting Catholics directly. One Catholic civilian, John Scullion, was shot dead while walking home, and another attack killed Peter Ward. Because of these killings, the government banned the UVF.
The civil rights movement
By the mid-1960s a civil rights movement started in Northern Ireland. Groups like the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) organised peaceful protests.
Their goals were pretty simple:
- end discrimination against Catholics in jobs
- stop unfair housing decisions
- introduce one person, one vote in elections
- stop gerrymandering of voting areas
- reform the police force (Royal Ulster Constabulary)
- remove the Special Powers Act
Some unionists believed these groups were secretly controlled by republicans who wanted to unite Ireland, but in reality the movement included lots of different people.
Protests and violence
In June 1968, a nationalist politician called Austin Currie protested housing discrimination in a town called Caledon. A council had given a house to a young Protestant woman instead of Catholic families with children. Currie and others occupied the house in protest but were removed by the police. The event got a lot of attention and helped grow the civil rights movement.
In August 1968, the movement held its first large march from Coalisland to Dungannon. Over the next year many more marches happened.
Loyalists sometimes attacked these marches, and nationalists believed the police were not stopping the attacks.
One of the most important moments came on 5 October 1968, when a march in Derry was banned by the government. Protesters marched anyway, and the police beat them with batons. Over 100 people were injured, including politicians. The incident was filmed and shown on television around the world, which caused outrage among Catholics and nationalists.
Riots broke out in Derry for two days after the attack.
1969
Tensions kept getting worse in 1969. In January, civil rights marchers walking from Belfast to Derry were attacked by loyalists at Burntollet Bridge. Many of the attackers were armed with bricks and iron bars. The marchers said the police did nothing to protect them.
Later that year loyalists also bombed electricity and water facilities and blamed the IRA, which made the situation even more unstable. Political pressure grew and the Northern Ireland Prime Minister Terence O’Neill resigned.
The 1969 riots and the Battle of the Bogside
Violence exploded in August 1969 during a loyalist parade in Derry. Fighting broke out between nationalist residents and the police.
The police tried to enter the Bogside, a mainly Catholic area, but residents fought back using stones and petrol bombs. The fighting lasted three days and became known as the Battle of the Bogside.
Riots also spread to Belfast. Loyalist groups attacked Catholic neighbourhoods and burned homes and businesses. There were also gun battles between nationalists, loyalists, and the police.
During this violence a nine-year-old boy named Patrick Rooney was killed when police fired machine guns into a block of flats.
British troops arrive
Because the riots were getting out of control, the British Army was sent into Northern Ireland in August 1969 as part of Operation Banner.
About 10 people were killed, hundreds were injured, and many homes were destroyed. Thousands of families, both Catholic and Protestant, were forced to flee their houses.
At first many Catholics actually welcomed the British Army because they didn’t trust the police.
After the riots, the government decided to build barriers between communities. These became known as “peace walls”, and many of them still exist today.
The 1970s
In the early 1970s, the violence in Northern Ireland got much worse. The relationship between the British Army and the Catholic community started to collapse. At first some Catholics had welcomed the army because they didn’t trust the police, but events like the Falls Curfew in 1970, when thousands of troops sealed off a Catholic area of Belfast and searched houses for weapons, made many people turn against them.
Between 1970 and 1972, violence exploded. Bombings, shootings, and riots became common. One of the worst early attacks was the 1971 McGurk’s Bar bombing, carried out by the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), which killed civilians in a Catholic bar.
The worst year of the entire conflict was 1972, when nearly 500 people were killed, more than half of them civilians.
In some Catholic areas like the Bogside in Derry, barricades were built and the police and army were kept out. These places were sometimes called “no-go areas.” Many of them were controlled by different factions of the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
Why the violence increased
Unionists usually blamed the rise in violence on the split in the IRA. The organisation divided into two groups:
- the Official IRA
- the Provisional IRA
The Provisional IRA, often called the “Provos,” believed strongly in armed struggle against British rule. They said they were defending the Catholic community.
Nationalists, however, often pointed to other causes for the violence. One of the biggest was internment without trial, introduced in 1971. This meant people could be arrested and jailed without being charged or going to court.
Hundreds of people were arrested, and almost all of them were Catholics. Many of them were not actually involved in the IRA. This caused huge anger and pushed more people towards supporting the republican movement.
Another controversial event was the Ballymurphy massacre in 1971, when 11 civilians were shot dead by British soldiers in Belfast.
Bloody Sunday (1972)
One of the most famous and controversial events of the Troubles happened on 30 January 1972 in Derry.
During a protest march against internment, soldiers from the British Army’s Parachute Regiment opened fire on the crowd. Thirteen unarmed civilians were killed, and another later died from his injuries.
The event became known as Bloody Sunday.
This had a huge impact. Anger towards the British government and the army increased massively among Catholics and Irish nationalists. After this, many more people joined or supported the Provisional IRA.
IRA campaign and bombings
During the early 1970s the Provisional IRA carried out a large campaign of bombings and attacks.
In 1972 alone they carried out around 1,300 bombings, mainly against businesses and infrastructure. Their goal was to damage the Northern Irish economy and pressure Britain to leave.
One of the worst attacks was Bloody Friday in July 1972, when the IRA set off 22 bombs in Belfast in one day, killing civilians and soldiers.
There were also attacks outside Northern Ireland. For example, bombs and shootings took place in England as well.
Stormont collapses
At the time, Northern Ireland had its own government and parliament at Stormont, dominated by unionists.
But because the violence was getting out of control, the British government decided to step in.
In 1972, the Stormont government was suspended, and London took direct control of Northern Ireland. This became known as direct rule. From that point on, the British government governed Northern Ireland directly.
Operation Motorman
Because some areas were controlled by paramilitaries, the British Army launched a huge military operation in July 1972 called Operation Motorman.
Around 22,000 British troops were involved. The army moved into the “no-go areas,” removed barricades, and took back control of the streets.
It was the largest British military operation in Ireland since the Irish War of Independence.
The Sunningdale Agreement (1973–1974)
In 1973, a new political plan called the Sunningdale Agreement was created.
The idea was to make Northern Ireland more stable by introducing power-sharing, where unionists and nationalists would share control of the government.
It also created a Council of Ireland, where politicians from Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland would cooperate.
However, many unionists hated the plan because they believed it was a step toward a united Ireland.
In 1974, loyalist workers and paramilitary groups organised a massive strike called the Ulster Workers’ Council strike. The strike shut down electricity, water, and businesses across Northern Ireland.
Because of the pressure from the strike, the power-sharing government collapsed and the Sunningdale Agreement failed.
Major Bombings
The 1970s also saw some extremely deadly bombings.
In 1974, the UVF carried out car bomb attacks in Dublin and Monaghan, killing 33 people. This was the deadliest single day of the entire conflict.
The IRA also carried out attacks in Britain, including the Birmingham pub bombings in 1974, which killed 21 people.
The “Long War”
By the mid-1970s, the Provisional IRA realised they probably couldn’t force Britain to leave quickly.
So they changed their strategy to what they called the “Long War.”
Instead of trying to win fast, they planned a long campaign of bombings and attacks that could continue for years.
Late 1970s
By the late 1970s many people were simply tired of the violence.
In 1976, a peace movement called the Peace People organised huge demonstrations calling for an end to paramilitary violence. The movement even won the Nobel Peace Prize, although its influence faded later.
Despite this, the violence continued.
In 1979, the IRA carried out two major attacks on the same day:
- Lord Mountbatten was killed by a bomb on his boat in Ireland.
- An IRA ambush at Warrenpoint killed 18 British soldiers, the biggest single loss for the British Army during the conflict.
The 1980s
The 1980s in Northern Ireland were marked by both political struggle and violent attacks.
The Hunger Strikes (1981)
In 1981, ten republican prisoners died during hunger strikes while protesting for political status in prison. Seven were from the Provisional IRA and three from the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA).
The first to die, Bobby Sands, was elected to the UK Parliament while on strike. Thousands attended his funeral in West Belfast, showing huge support among nationalists.
These events highlighted the political potential for republicans, demonstrating that elections and public campaigns could be as powerful as violence.
Sinn Féin enters politics
After the hunger strikes, Sinn Féin, the political wing of the IRA, began contesting elections in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.
In 1986, Sinn Féin recognised the legitimacy of the Irish Dáil, leading a small group of members to break away and form Republican Sinn Féin.
Arms and funding
The IRA’s “Long War” was strengthened by arms and funding:
- Libya, under Muammar Gaddafi, sent large donations of weapons, partly in response to the 1986 US-UK bombing of Libya.
- Support also came from the Republic of Ireland, the United States, and Irish communities around the world.
- Loyalist paramilitaries received weapons and money from Canada and Scotland.
Major IRA attacks in the 1980s
The 1980s saw some of the most high-profile IRA attacks in Northern Ireland and Britain:
- 1982: IRA bombings in London’s Hyde Park and Regent’s Park killed four soldiers, seven bandsmen, and seven horses.
- December 1982: INLA bombed a disco in Ballykelly, killing 11 soldiers and six civilians.
- 1983: IRA bombed Harrods in London, killing six people.
- 1984: Brighton hotel bombing targeted Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher during a Conservative Party conference, killing five people and injuring 34.
Other notable attacks:
- 1985: IRA mortar attack on Newry RUC station killed nine officers.
- 1987: Attack on Loughgall RUC station led to the deaths of eight IRA members – the largest IRA loss in a single incident.
- 1987: Enniskillen Remembrance Sunday bombing killed 11 people during a ceremony, injuring 63.
Operation Flavius and the Corporals Killings (1988)
In March 1988, three IRA volunteers were shot dead by the SAS in Gibraltar while planning a bomb attack. Their funeral in Belfast was attacked by loyalist Michael Stone, who killed three people.
Later, two British soldiers drove into the funeral procession and were kidnapped and killed by the IRA, an event known as the Corporals killings.
Other 1980s attacks
- 1989: IRA time bomb attacked the Royal Marine Depot in Deal, Kent, killing 11 bandsmen.
- Loyalist paramilitaries also imported weapons from South Africa.
- Feuds within republican groups occurred, such as between the IPLO and INLA, weakening some republican factions.
British Army community relations
By the late 1980s, the British Army attempted to soften its image in communities like Derry. Changes included:
- Not aiming rifles at civilians
- Wearing berets instead of helmets at checkpoints
- Overhauling the complaints system to inform civilians of actions taken
These measures aimed to reduce tension between the army and local communities.
The 1990s – The Road to Peace
By the 1990s, the conflict in Northern Ireland was still violent, but more political talks were beginning. During this decade the fighting slowly moved toward negotiations that eventually produced the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.
South Armagh and the sniper campaign
One of the most active areas for the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) was South Armagh, especially around the village of Crossmaglen. Nearby villages such as Silverbridge, Cullyhanna, Forkhill, Jonesborough, and Creggan were also strongholds for republican groups.
During the 1990s, the IRA began a sniper campaign against security forces. Sniper teams used powerful rifles to shoot at patrols from hidden positions, sometimes firing from armoured vehicles. Signs saying “Sniper at Work” were even put up around the area.
These attacks killed nine members of the security forces, including seven soldiers and two police officers. The last soldier killed before the peace agreement was Steven Restorick in 1997.
The IRA also carried out attacks on British Army helicopters, including shooting down aircraft or damaging them with mortar fire.
The Downing Street mortar attack (1991)
In 1991, the IRA carried out a dramatic attack in London.
They fired a mortar shell at 10 Downing Street, the official residence of John Major, the British Prime Minister. At the time, Major and his cabinet were meeting to discuss the Gulf War.
The shell exploded in the garden but Major and his ministers were unharmed, although several people nearby were injured.
Violence before the first ceasefire
Despite some political talks in the early 1990s, violence continued.
In 1993, the IRA carried out the Shankill Road bombing in Belfast. The bomb was meant to kill leaders of the loyalist Ulster Defence Association (UDA), but it exploded early and killed eight Protestant civilians and one IRA member.
Loyalist groups responded with attacks on Catholic civilians. One example was the Greysteel massacre, where gunmen killed eight people in a pub.
These types of revenge killings between republican and loyalist groups were common during the conflict.
The first ceasefire (1994)
After many years of violence, both sides began to move toward peace.
On 31 August 1994, the IRA declared a ceasefire. Loyalist paramilitary groups soon announced their own ceasefire as well.
The ceasefires did not immediately end the conflict, but they reduced large-scale violence and allowed peace talks to begin.
The United States also became involved in the peace process. President Bill Clinton appointed George J. Mitchell as a special envoy to help lead negotiations.
The ceasefire breaks down (1996)
The peace process suffered a major setback in 1996.
The IRA ended its ceasefire with a large bomb attack in the Canary Wharf area of London. The explosion killed two people, injured many others, and caused huge damage to the financial district.
Later that year the IRA carried out another major attack, the Manchester bombing, which destroyed part of the city centre and injured over 200 people. It was the largest bomb attack in Britain since World War II.
The second ceasefire (1997)
In 1997, the IRA declared another ceasefire, which allowed negotiations to restart.
Political party Sinn Féin, which was linked to the republican movement, joined the peace talks after agreeing to certain conditions known as the Mitchell Principles.
However, some paramilitary groups rejected the peace process. A breakaway group called the Real Irish Republican Army (Real IRA) was formed by members who opposed the ceasefire.
The Omagh bombing (1998)
In August 1998, the Real IRA carried out the Omagh bombing, the deadliest single attack of the Troubles.
A car bomb exploded in the town of Omagh, killing 29 civilians and injuring many more.
The attack shocked the public and reduced support for extremist groups, strengthening support for the peace process.
The Good Friday Agreement (1998)
After long negotiations, a peace deal called the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998.
The agreement included several major changes:
- A power-sharing government in Northern Ireland
- Cooperation between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland
- Reform of the police force, replacing the Royal Ulster Constabulary with the Police Service of Northern Ireland
- The release of some prisoners
- Plans for paramilitary groups to give up their weapons
The agreement effectively ended most of the large-scale violence of the Troubles.
After the agreement
After the peace deal:
- British military bases were gradually closed.
- Many soldiers were withdrawn.
- Paramilitary groups began disarming.
However, the political system was still fragile. In 2002, the Northern Ireland government was temporarily suspended because of a spying scandal known as Stormontgate.
Eventually, in 2007, power-sharing government returned when Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness became First Minister and Deputy First Minister.
Support from outside Northern Ireland
Importation of weapons
Paramilitary groups on both the republican and loyalist sides attempted to obtain weapons from outside Northern Ireland to support their campaigns. However, republican organisations generally received the majority of foreign assistance. Over time, the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) acquired arms from many external sources. These included sympathisers in the Republic of Ireland, Irish diaspora communities across the English-speaking world, parts of mainland Europe, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the Libyan government under Muammar Gaddafi. The Soviet Union and North Korea also supplied around 5,000 weapons to the Official Irish Republican Army. The Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) likewise received significant quantities of arms from foreign sources.
Republican
For the IRA, the Republic of Ireland served as its most important base of external support. The state provided a relatively safe environment in which the organisation could raise funds legally and illegally, organise members, conduct training, and manufacture substantial quantities of firearms and explosives. These weapons were then smuggled into Northern Ireland and into England. Explosives such as gelignite and ANFO were the most frequently used weapons sourced from the Republic and were responsible for the majority of IRA bombing attacks during the conflict in both Northern Ireland and England. Plastic explosive Semtex supplied by Gaddafi became widely associated with IRA bombings and gained a notorious reputation, although in reality it was used only occasionally. Major attacks using explosives that originated in the Republic included the Bloody Friday bombings, the Warrenpoint ambush, the assassination of Lord Mountbatten, and the Hyde Park and Regent’s Park bombings.
Unionist
Loyalist paramilitary organisations also received outside assistance. Their support primarily came from Protestant sympathisers in Canada, England, and Scotland, including individuals connected with the Orange Order. Between 1979 and 1986, loyalist groups imported up to one hundred machine guns along with numerous rifles, grenade launchers, magnum revolvers, and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition from Canada. Members of the Grand Orange Lodge of Scotland also supplied gelignite explosives to members of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). In addition, Brian Nelson—an agent working for the British Army’s Force Research Unit (FRU)—arranged for large quantities of weaponry to be obtained from the government of South Africa and delivered to loyalist groups.
Funding
Paramilitary organisations on both sides also benefited from financial support originating outside Northern Ireland. Contributions came from individuals, organisations, and even governments. Between the 1970s and the early 1990s, Libya provided the IRA with more than $12.5 million in cash, which would equal roughly $48.8 million in 2025 terms. The IRA also received at least $2 million from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). In return, IRA members trained FARC fighters in bomb-making techniques, including the use of shaped charges, propane bombs, landmines, and improvised mortars.
On the loyalist side, a report by the Northern Ireland Affairs Select Committee in June 2002 estimated that financial backing from Scotland alone provided the UDA and UVF with roughly £100,000 per year by 1992.
NORAID
Across the wider English-speaking world, members of Irish diaspora communities also made financial contributions to the republican cause. Irish Americans, Irish Canadians, Irish Australians, and Irish New Zealanders donated significant amounts of money, most of which went to the Provisional IRA. In the United States, the organisation known as the Irish Northern Aid Committee (NORAID) became the central fundraising body for the movement. Between 1970 and 1991, it raised approximately $3.6 million. These funds supported the families of imprisoned or deceased IRA members, financed lobbying campaigns and propaganda efforts, and occasionally helped purchase weapons for the IRA.
In Australia, authorities estimated that by the 1990s the Provisional movement received no more than about A$20,000 each year. Supporters in Canada also collected money to secretly buy weapons. One example involved detonators used in Canadian mining operations that were smuggled to the IRA.
Despite these international sources, most paramilitary funding actually originated closer to home. The majority of money used by both republican and loyalist organisations came from criminal activities and business operations within Ireland and Great Britain. According to the Northern Ireland Affairs Select Committee report of June 2002, paramilitary groups found it easier to raise funds within their own communities because sympathisers were more willing to provide assistance. Local knowledge also helped them carry out criminal activities or intimidate individuals into handing over money. Furthermore, the predominance of cash transactions in Northern Ireland made money laundering easier and made it more difficult for law-enforcement agencies to trace financial flows.
Security forces and paramilitaries collusion
Numerous allegations and investigations have revealed instances of cooperation between loyalist paramilitary organisations and British security forces, including the British Army and the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). Such collaboration reportedly involved off-duty soldiers or police officers participating directly in loyalist attacks, supplying loyalists with weapons or intelligence, failing to intervene against loyalist activity, and obstructing police investigations.
De Silva Report
The De Silva Report found that during the 1980s, approximately 85% of the intelligence used by loyalists to identify targets came from members of the security forces. These forces also placed double agents and informers within loyalist groups who helped organise attacks with the knowledge—or sometimes the direction—of their handlers. The Stevens Inquiries later revealed that among 210 loyalists arrested during the investigation, all but three were state agents or informers.
UDR
The British Army unit known as the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), which recruited locally, consisted almost entirely of Protestants. Although recruits were officially vetted, some loyalist militants succeeded in joining the regiment in order to gain weapons, training, and information. A 1973 British government document titled Subversion in the UDR suggested that between 5% and 15% of soldiers in the regiment were also members of loyalist paramilitary organisations. According to the report, the UDR had become the primary source of weapons for these groups, although by that year tighter controls had reduced losses.
In 1977, the British Army investigated a UDR battalion based at Girdwood Barracks in Belfast. Investigators discovered that seventy soldiers had connections with the UVF, while thirty soldiers had fraudulently redirected as much as £47,000 to the organisation. It was also reported that UVF members socialised with soldiers in the battalion’s mess hall. Two UDR members were dismissed following the investigation, which was later halted after a senior officer argued it was damaging morale. By 1990, at least 197 members of the UDR had been convicted of loyalist terrorist offences or other serious crimes, including nineteen convicted of murder. Although this represented only a small proportion of those who served in the regiment, the percentage was higher than that found in the regular British Army, the RUC, or the civilian population.
The Glenanne Gang
During the 1970s, a covert alliance of loyalist militants, British soldiers, and RUC officers known as the Glenanne gang carried out numerous shootings and bombings targeting nationalists in an area sometimes referred to as the “murder triangle.” The group also conducted attacks in the Republic of Ireland. Around 120 people were killed in total, the majority of whom were civilians not involved in paramilitary activity.
The Cassel Report examined 76 murders attributed to the gang and found evidence that members of the police or army were involved in 74 of them. One participant, RUC officer John Weir, claimed his superiors were aware of the collusion but allowed it to continue. The report also stated that some senior officers knew about the crimes yet failed to prevent them or pursue the perpetrators. Attacks associated with the gang include the Dublin and Monaghan bombings of 1974, the Miami Showband killings of 1975, and the Reavey and O’Dowd killings of 1976.
Proxy warfare and the Stevens inquiries
Investigations conducted by the Stevens team concluded that parts of the security forces effectively used loyalist groups as proxies. Through informers and double agents, these forces facilitated the killing of selected targets—primarily suspected republicans but sometimes civilians as well. According to the inquiry’s findings, this practice intensified and extended the duration of the conflict.
The main body involved was the British Army’s Force Research Unit. Brian Nelson, who served as the UDA’s chief intelligence officer, was working simultaneously as an FRU agent. Through Nelson, the FRU assisted loyalists in identifying assassination targets. Commanders within the FRU later argued that their intention had been to direct attacks only against known or suspected republican activists and to prevent civilian casualties. However, the inquiry determined that only two lives had been saved by Nelson’s involvement and that he and the FRU were connected to at least thirty murders along with numerous other attacks, many of which targeted civilians. Among the victims was solicitor Pat Finucane. Nelson also oversaw the delivery of weapons to loyalists in 1988.
Between 1992 and 1994, loyalist paramilitaries were responsible for more deaths than republican groups, a situation partly attributed to FRU involvement. Members of the security forces were also accused of attempting to obstruct the Stevens investigation.
Conclusion:
Summary
I’ve tried to tell both sides of this long story. There’s no verdict, score, or winners.
I’m 13 years old and didn’t live this experience first hand, but my parents did. There’s still disagreement between 2 immovable objects over a generation later that has spilled into other countries. Granted, that’s diluted the further from Ulster we travel.
Perhaps we should shine a light on British imperialism as they appear to have messed up every country and land border they’ve ever colonised since centuries ago. Perhaps The Troubles in Northern Ireland was all avoidable?
So where to next?
- India, Africa, or Balfour’s school ruler drawn over the Middle East?
- The Glasgow Old Firm. Rangers versus Celtic?
- Or shall we do America and Israel?
Comments and threats are off for obvious reasons. If you don’t like my essay, tough, try and make your own sense of the mayhem and bloodshed in your words. At least I had a go.
This touchy topic could be re-visited in The Troubles 1.1.
